Archaeoacoustics: The Archaeology of Sound

Archaeoacoustics, a burgeoning field within archaeology, combines the study of ancient sites and artifacts with the science of sound. By examining how sound was used and experienced in historical contexts, researchers can gain unique insights into the lives, cultures, and environments of ancient peoples. This post will delve into the principles of archaeoacoustics, its methodologies, significant findings, and the implications of these discoveries for our understanding of history.
 

What is Archaeoacoustics?
 

Archaeoacoustics is the interdisciplinary study that merges archaeology, acoustics, and sometimes anthropology, to understand the role of sound in past human activities. This field investigates how ancient peoples produced, manipulated, and perceived sound, whether in rituals, communication, or daily life. By reconstructing these soundscapes, archaeoacoustics offers a sensory dimension to historical inquiry, enriching our interpretation of archaeological sites and artifacts.
 

Methodologies in Archaeoacoustics
 

Acoustic Measurements and Simulations
 

One of the primary methods in archaeoacoustics involves acoustic measurements and simulations. Researchers use modern technology to analyze the acoustics of ancient structures such as theaters, temples, and caves. Tools like sound level meters, directional microphones, and computer simulations help in understanding how sound behaves in these environments. By measuring reverberation times, frequency responses, and sound distribution, archaeologists can infer the acoustic properties and possible uses of these spaces.
 

Sound Mapping
 

Sound mapping is another critical technique, where the distribution of sound within a particular area is documented. This involves creating detailed maps that illustrate how sound travels and is experienced at different locations within a site. These maps can reveal areas of optimal acoustics that may have been used for specific activities, such as speech, music, or ritual practices.
 

Experimental Archaeology
 

Experimental archaeology also plays a role in archaeoacoustics. By recreating ancient instruments or sound-producing devices, researchers can explore how these tools might have been used and what kind of sounds they produced. This hands-on approach provides tangible insights into the auditory experiences of ancient peoples.
 

Significant Discoveries in Archaeoacoustics
 

The Acoustics of Stonehenge
 

One of the most fascinating studies in archaeoacoustics involves Stonehenge, the prehistoric monument in England. Researchers have used acoustic modeling to understand how sound would have behaved within this stone circle. Findings suggest that the stones could have amplified speech and musical sounds, creating an immersive auditory experience. This has led to speculation that Stonehenge may have been used for rituals or gatherings where sound played a crucial role.
 

The Hypogeum of Hal-Saflieni
 

The Hypogeum of Hal-Saflieni in Malta, an underground temple complex, is another site of interest. Acoustic studies have shown that certain chambers within the Hypogeum have unique resonance frequencies that enhance the human voice. This has led researchers to believe that the temple may have been designed with acoustic properties in mind, possibly for chanting or other vocal rituals.
 

Chavin de Huantar
 

At the ancient site of Chavin de Huantar in Peru, archaeoacoustics has revealed that the temple complex was built with sophisticated sound manipulation in mind. Researchers discovered that the architecture of the site, including its network of tunnels and chambers, could have been used to create disorienting and awe-inspiring auditory effects during religious ceremonies. The use of conch shell trumpets and other sound devices would have added to these effects, enhancing the spiritual and psychological impact on participants.
 

The Maya Pyramid of Kukulkan
 

At the Maya ceremonial center of Chichen Itza in Mexico, an incredible acoustic phenomenon can be heard at the Pyramid of Kukulkan. If you clap your hands directly in front of the pyramid's main staircase, it echoes back an almost mechanical bird-like chirping sound. Recordings of the hand-clap echoes match the chirp of the nearly extinct Quetzal, the sacred bird associated with both the name of the pyramid and its plumed serpent deity Kukulkan. 

 

The Maya Ruins of Palenque

 

Archaeologists discovered that the temples and public squares in Palenque, Mexico could clearly project the sounds of a human speaker and musical instruments of the time across at least a hundred meters, or about the length of a football field. The investigation identified rooms that could have been used by musicians, speakers or priests to amplify the frequency, quality and volume of sound, allowing the music or the message to travel further and reach more people. The findings strongly suggest the design and structures at Palenque involved a great deal of knowledge about acoustics and the behavior of sound.

 

Implications and Insights
 

Understanding Rituals and Ceremonies
 

Archaeoacoustics provides valuable insights into the rituals and ceremonies of ancient cultures. By reconstructing the soundscapes of these events, researchers can better understand the sensory experiences of participants and the role of sound in these practices. This can shed light on the spiritual and cultural significance of sound in ancient societies.

Reinterpreting Archaeological Sites
 

The study of sound can lead to new interpretations of archaeological sites. Structures that were previously thought to serve purely functional purposes may be re-evaluated in light of their acoustic properties. For example, a room that was assumed to be a storage area might be reconsidered as a space for ritual chanting if it has unique acoustic characteristics. 
 

Enhancing Public Engagement
 

Archaeoacoustics also has the potential to enhance public engagement with archaeology. By recreating the sounds of the past, museums and heritage sites can offer immersive experiences that bring history to life. This sensory approach can make historical sites more accessible and engaging for visitors, fostering a deeper connection with the past.
 

Conclusion
 

Archaeoacoustics offers a fascinating and innovative approach to the study of ancient cultures. By exploring the acoustic properties of archaeological sites and artifacts, researchers can uncover new dimensions of historical experience and gain deeper insights into the lives of ancient peoples. Despite its challenges, the field holds great promise for enhancing our understanding of the past and engaging the public with history in new and exciting ways. As technology advances and interdisciplinary collaboration continues, the future of archaeoacoustics looks both promising and intriguing, inviting us to listen to the echoes of history in ever more profound ways.

Ancient Forest Gardens Support Native Land Claims

A study by Simon Fraser University in British Columbia found that Indigenous-managed forests -- cared for as "forest gardens" -- contain more biologically and functionally diverse species than surrounding conifer-dominated forests and create important habitat for wildlife and pollinators. According to researchers, ancient forests were once tended by Indigenous peoples living along the coast of British Columbia. These forest gardens continue to grow at remote archaeological villages on Canada's northwest coast and are composed of native fruit and nut trees and shrubs such as crabapple, hazelnut, cranberry, wild plum, and wild cherries. Important medicinal plants and root foods like wild ginger and wild rice root grow in the understory layers. These plants never grow together in the wild, so people obviously put them there to grow all in one spot -- like a garden.
 

Forest gardens were a method of agriculture in which practitioners cleared the land around or near villages, planted crops, and managed with agricultural methods like controlled burns and fertilization to increase the productivity of the plants. The gardens frequently showed a carefully overlapped structure, with a canopy of fruit and nut trees, a mid-layer of berries, and roots and herbs in the undergrowth. Rather than engaging in annual planting cycles, the Indigenous people collected, transplanted, and carefully tended these plants over many years. Traces of species like Pacific crabapple, beaked hazelnut, wild cherry, and others have been found in recent years -- in some cases, still growing even more than a century after they were tended. Even now these abandoned forest gardens are still productive and biodiversity hotspots that seem to be able to naturally hold back the encroaching surrounding conifer forests.
 

For anthropologists, ethnologists, and other scientists, the existence of these gardens contradicts the long-held hunter-gatherer theory that maintained that the region's Indigenous peoples didn't improve and nurture their lands. Instead, experts now believe this method of agriculture and land manipulation helped First Nations communities (the collective name given to most of Canada's Indigenous peoples) thrive. While there is not a definitive catalog of the forest gardens, there are remains of them up and down the coast of British Columbia -- some known, some still used by communities, some being rediscovered.
 

Chelsey Geralda Armstrong, a historical ecologist, researcher, and assistant professor at Simon Fraser University in Burnaby, British Columbia, has been working with First Nations communities to rediscover, confirm, and document the gardens, complementing traditional knowledge cultivated over time, sometimes for thousands of years. Armstrong's work supports the idea that some forest environments in British Columbia that were once considered wild are, in fact, often the result of careful shepherding and agricultural practices. There is similar evidence of forest gardens in Indigenous communities around the world, especially in tropical regions.
 

Nonetheless, Armstrong added, "Despite decades of research on the topic, this idea of Indigenous peoples' homelands as being culturally mediated and highly influenced spaces is still so utterly contested in courts, in public policy, in environmental regulations."
 

The legal justification for taking First Nation lands is directly linked to the colonial view that Indigenous peoples weren't using all of their lands and so they were essentially in the colonial eyes ripe for the taking. It's a concept that continues to be used against Indigenous peoples and the work that Armstrong does with the communities is just picking away at that argument.
 

So far, efforts to cite the remnants of cultivated gardens to support First Nations' land reclamation claims have failed to gain much legal traction. The current test for land title in British Columbia is evidence of regular and exclusive use of land before 1846. Proving regular use has been a challenge for the First Nations, in part because of the rugged coastal terrain. 

 

But the priority of First Nations communities is to restore their forest gardens in some form. "At the end of the day, this is the goal: Bring these places back to life," said Armstrong. These communities are using Armstrong's work to refurbish their forest gardens. Clearing competing plants has already helped, with particular attention being given to the crabapples, which are flourishing.
 

Kelsey Charlie Sr. of the Sts'ailes (also known as Chehalis) Nation says ecosystems that have thrived for thousands of years with balance and harmony have been knocked off-kilter. At the same time, he added, more and more people are returning to these places to gather the plants that their elders used.
 

"It's a very, very simple thing," said Charlie Sr. "The way our elders said it was that we had agreements and arrangements with all living things."
 

Charlie said that part of the community's snoweyelh, or law of everything, is their responsibility to take care of the land. "Our elders always told us that we never owned the land, but we were a part of the land. And if we look after it, then it will look after us."

Ancient Rock Art May Depict Shamanic Music

More than 2,000 years ago, the Tukano people of the Colombian Amazon may have documented the soundtracks to their hallucinogenic experiences in petroglyphs on volcanic boulders. Consisting of what appears to be dancing human figures surrounded by zigzagging lines and other geometric forms, the enigmatic art eludes concrete interpretation, although a new analysis suggests that these abstract shapes may depict the songs that transported participants to other dimensions during Ayahuasca ceremonies. The pre-Columbian designs can be found at Toro Muerto, which contains one of the richest collections of rock art in South America. A desert gorge, the site is strewn with thousands of boulders, some 2,600 of which feature ancient carvings.

 

Describing the drawings in a new study published in the Cambridge Archaeological Journal, researchers explain that the artworks contain "an almost overwhelming repetition of images of dancing human figures (known as danzantes), unique in the region, and an extraordinary accumulation of geometric patterns, most often in the form of vertical zigzag, straight and sinuous lines varying in width, sometimes with accompanying dots or circles." Previous attempts to interpret these zigzags have suggested that they may represent snakes, lightning, or water, although the study authors believe they may have an alternative meaning.
 

Examples of "danzantes" at Toro Muerto. Image credit: Tracings: Polish-Peruvian research team, 

compiled by J.Z. Wołoszyn/Cambridge Archaeological Journal/2024 (CC BY 4.0)

 

To build their hypothesis, the researchers point out the striking similarities between the drawings at Toro Muerto and the traditional artwork of the Tukano culture in the Colombian Amazon. In the case of the latter, geometric designs have been linked to the visions induced by the hallucinogenic brew Ayahuasca, which has been ritually ingested by Indigenous Amazonian communities for millennia. According to the Tukano these drawings were 'yajé images', meaning that they showed patterns they had seen while in an altered state of consciousness induced by consuming entheogens. Concentric circles, dots, wavy lines, zigzags and crenellation motifs dominated among them.

Anthropological analyses of these rituals have repeatedly highlighted the importance of music, with songs known as icaros being sung by shamans as a means of communicating with the gods and journeying through the spiritual cosmos. Ritual in many human cultures involves music; it is a key social technology for building and sustaining community. Ritual music is a universal way to address the spirit world and provide some kind of fundamental change in an individual's consciousness or in the ambience of a gathering. Experiences of ego loss and trance are important for integrating the individual into the group and maintaining community, and music is a significant element of such ritual activity.

Intriguingly, studies into the significance of zigzags in Tukano artwork have revealed that "the Tukano saw in them the representations of songs which were an integral part of the ritual, having also agentive power, and constituting a medium for transfer to the mythical time of the beginning." In other words, within a Tukano context, these shapes depict the shamanic music that mesmerizes ritual participants under the effects of Ayahuasca, delivering them to an alternate reality in which they are able to reconnect to their ancestral mythology.

Admitting that their theory is somewhat speculative, the researchers nonetheless conclude that these pre-Hispanic drawings "illustrated a graphically elusive sphere of culture: singing and songs. The interpretation we propose is of course hypothetical, but the conclusions it leads to constitute a logically coherent counter-proposal to previous interpretations of some of the Toro Muerto petroglyphs. We suggest that zigzag lines could be representations of songs, which seems particularly intriguing given the repeated juxtaposition of these patterns with the figures of dancers at Toro Muerto."

Archaeoacoustics and 'Songs of the Caves'

Archaeoacoustics is a sub-field of archaeology and acoustics which studies the relationship between people and sound throughout history. It is an interdisciplinary field with methodological contributions from acoustics, archaeology, and computer simulation, and is broadly related to topics within cultural anthropology such as experimental archaeology and ethnomusicology. Since many cultures have sonic components, applying acoustical methods to the study of archaeological sites and artifacts may reveal new information on the civilizations examined.

 

The importance of sound in ritual practice is well attested by historical and anthropological evidence. Voices and instruments (pipes, drums) will also have played a key role for prehistoric societies, and a number of studies have sought to demonstrate that by measuring the acoustical properties of archaeological spaces and open-air locations. One of the principal difficulties, however, is to establish a robust methodology. Every space or location will have an acoustic signature, but that does not imply that vocal or musical performance was an essential part of ritual practice; nor that those places were specially designed or selected for their acoustical properties.
 

Palaeolithic painted caves have occupied a special place in this debate since studies in the 1980s suggested that the placement of paintings and murals within the caves might have been guided by the acoustics; that they might be directly correlated with resonance. In 2013, Durham University (Durham, England) archaeologist Chris Scarre joined a team of acousticians, archaeologists and musicians led by Professor Rupert Till (Huddersfield University) in a systematic on-site analysis of acoustic properties and prehistoric motifs in five Upper Palaeolithic painted caves in northern Spain: La Garma, El Castillo, La Pasiega, Las Chimeneas and Tito Bustillo. The Arts and Humanities Research Council funded project was supported by Spanish colleagues Manuel Rojo-Guerra and Roberto Ontañon, with permission from the Gobierno de Cantabria and Gobierno Del Principado de Asturias.
 

Their methodology in recording the acoustics of these caves was to use a swept-sine (also called a chirp) source signal in conjunction with a set of microphones, adjusting the position of the set-up to provide an overview of the acoustics of specific sections of the caves. In each location that was measured, the position of imagery on the cave walls was also recorded. The fieldwork generated a large body of data that was used to generate acoustic maps of the five caves that could be compared with the distribution of the imagery (paintings or engravings, representational images of animals, or abstract symbols). A Principal Components Analysis (a mathematical method used to reduce a large data set into a smaller one while maintaining most of its variation information) provided an averaged set of acoustical characteristics. This showed that the variance of the acoustic data can be explained by two main components, associated with (a) temporal decay of energy (rate at which it fades to silence) in the cave space and (b) the existence or absence of resonance. Other factors, such as the distance of motifs from the original cave entrances (some of them now blocked) were also recorded.
 

Statistical analysis concluded that motifs in general, and lines and dots in particular, are statistically more likely to be found in places where reverberation is moderate and where the low frequency acoustic response has evidence of resonant behavior. The results suggest that the location of Palaeolithic motifs might indeed be associated with acoustic features, and that an appreciation of sound could have influenced behavior among Palaeolithic societies using these caves. The study also demonstrated the application of a systematic methodology of recording and analysis to the archaeoacoustics of prehistoric spaces.

The Mysterious Peterborough Petroglyphs

The Peterborough Petroglyphs are the largest collection of ancient rock carvings in all of North America, made up of over 900 images carved into crystalline limestone located near Peterborough in Ontario, Canada.

Designated a National Historic Site of Canada in 1976, local indigenous people believe that this is an entrance into the spirit world and that the Spirits actually speak to them from this location. They call it Kinoomaagewaapkong, which translates to "the rocks that teach."

The petroglyphs are carved into a single slab of crystalline limestone which is 55 metres long and 30 metres wide. About 300 of the images are decipherable shapes, including animals, humans, shamans, solar symbols, geometric shapes and boats.

It is generally believed that the indigenous Algonkian people carved the petroglyphs between 900 and 1400 AD. But rock art is usually impossible to date accurately for lack of any carbon material and dating artefacts or relics found in proximity to the site only reveals information about the last people to be there. They could be thousands of years older than experts allow, if only because the extensive weathering of some of the glyphs implies more than 1,000 years of exposure.

There are some other mysteries surrounding these remarkable petroglyphs. The boat carvings bear little resemblance to the traditional boat of the Native Americans. One solar boat -- a stylized shaman vessel with a long mast surmounted by the sun -- is typical of petroglyphs found in northern Russia and Scandanavia. A Harvard professor believes the petroglyphs are inscriptions (and maybe even a form of written language) left by a Norse king named Woden-lithi, who was believed to have sailed from Norway down the St. Lawrence River in about 1700 B.C., long before the Greenland Viking explorations.

Another vessel depicted in the petroglyphs is a large ship with banks of oars and figure-heads at bow and stern. There is a large steering oar at the stern, a necessary feature only for vessels that are 100 feet or more in length. However, the Algonkian people who inhabited the region never built anything more seaworthy than a birch-bark canoe or a dugout. Even reluctant archaeologists admit that the ships "do not look like real Algonkian canoes" but steer away from any controversial conclusions about pre-Columbian visitors by speculating that the vessels are simply a shaman's idea of magical canoes that travel the universe.

Another peculiarity is the figure-heads at bow and stern which resemble birds. The same design can be seen in Etruscan repousse gold work of the 9th century BC. The bird-headed ships were portrayed 200 years earlier, when Egyptian artists carved their images into the walls of Pharaoh Ramses IIIs "Victory Temple" in the Valley of the Kings.

Yet another mystery is the presence in the petroglyphs of a tall figure or 'god' which stands with arms akimbo and with a halo radiating rays, presumably from the sun. Cowering before him are two minute humble humans in attitudes of supplication. Scientists think the figure may represent a sun god but there doesn't exist any known cases of sun worship among the indigenous people of the region.

Some historians and researchers believe there is more to the petroglyphs than meets the eye. Some maintain that they are in fact a sky map of the heavens based on European tradition from 3100 BC. Evidence includes four signs which are the same as those found for the identical astronomical position at Lewes, England, leading to a possible speculative connection between the Peterborough petroglyphs and the megalithic people of Ancient Britain.

So the petroglyphs of Peterborough remain an intriguing riddle, a sort of code to which the key is still missing.

168 New Nazca Geoglyphs Discovered

More than 100 new designs discovered in and around Peru's Nazca plain and surrounding areas could bring new information to light about the ancient artworks that have intrigued scientists and visitors for decades. Following two years of field surveys with aerial photos and drones, Peruvian and Japanese researches from Yamagata University reported the discovery of 168 new designs at the Unesco World Heritage site on Peru's southern Pacific coast.
 

The geoglyphs, huge figures carved into the South American desert, date back more than 2,000 years and depict living creatures, stylized plants and imaginary beings, as well as geometric figures several kilometres long. Jorge Olano, head archaeologist for the Nazca Lines research program, said the newly discovered figures averaged between 2 and 6 meters (6.56 to 19.7ft) in length.
 

The purpose of the Nazca Lines, which could only be seen from the air, remains a mystery. These new findings, however, are smaller and can be seen from the ground. The figures, iconic vestiges of Peru's rich history, are about a three-hour drive from the capital, Lima. Researchers had already discovered 190 figures in the area since 2004. But the vastness of the terrain they cover has complicated efforts to study and conserve the heritage site.
 

Yamagata University said the research will be used in artificial intelligence-based surveys to help inform the lines' preservation. Studies from the university in collaboration with Peru's government have helped delineate and protect the area, which is facing threats from urban and economic developments. Some geoglyphs are in danger of being destroyed due to the recent expansion of mining-related workshops in the archaeological park. 

 

Anthropologists, ethnologists, and archaeologists have studied the ancient Nazca culture to try to determine the purpose of the lines and figures. One hypothesis is that the Nazca people created them to be seen by deities in the sky. Another theory is related to astronomy and cosmology, as has been common in monuments of other ancient cultures: the lines were intended to act as a kind of observatory, to point to the places on the distant horizon where the sun and other celestial bodies rose or set at the solstices.

Other theories were that the geometric lines could indicate water flow or irrigation schemes, or be a part of rituals to "summon" water. The spiders, birds, and plants may be fertility symbols. It also has been theorized that the lines could act as an astronomical calendar, as proved by the presence of radial centers aligned along the directions of winter solstice and equinox sunset. Researchers believe that the geoglyphs were the venues of events linked to the agriculture calendar. These also served to strengthen social cohesion among various groups of pilgrims, sharing common ancestors and religious beliefs.

The Many Lives of Mongolian Shamanism

The following is excerpted from Sky Shamans of Mongolia: Meetings with Remarkable Healers by Kevin Turner.
 

For thousands of years, Mongolia has been a nexus of Eurasian shamanisms that competed, mixed, and meshed across our planet's largest continent. Shamanism appears to have emerged with the very dawn of human consciousness, but archeologists can probably speak with confidence about only the past 30,000 to 70,000 years.
 

Archeological discoveries in Eurasia alone indicate that the practice of shamanism reaches back at least to 35,000 BCE, easily making shamanism the oldest spiritual practice known to mankind. Modern religious faiths such as Buddhism and Christianity are toddlers in comparison, and psychology is a mere newborn.
 

The word shaman originated from the Tungusic tribal language groups (from areas to the north and east of Mongolia), which are related to Mongolic languages. These are both part of the broader Altaic language group, which includes Turkic, Manchurian, and scores of other Inner Asian and Siberian languages, and may include Korean and Japanese at the easternmost reach. The modern term "shaman" has now been adopted by many as a catch-all word to describe those who by spiritual means seek direct access to information and healing power not ordinarily available.
 

The nomadic northern Siberian shamanic traditions tend to retain the highly individualistic aspects of shamanism; by contrast, a most interesting facet of Mongolian and Inner Asian shamanism is the amalgamation of the shamans' direct experiences of other realities with a religious belief system known as Tengerism (Heaven or Sky God-ism). Tengerism originated in Sumeria, one of humanity's earliest civilizations, and probably derived from the early experiences of the shamans, prophets, and mystics of pre-Mesopotamian eras.
 

The modern Mongolian term Tenger (or Tengri), meaning both "sky realms" and "sky spirits," almost certainly derives from the Sumerian word Dingir, also meaning both "sky realm(s)" and "deity(-ies)." The concept of divinity in Sumerian was closely associated with the heavens, evident from the shared cuneiform sign for both heaven and sky, and from the fact that its earliest form is a star shape. The name of every deity in Sumerian is prefixed by a star symbol. 

 

Mircea Eliade proposed that Tengrism may be the closest thing we have found to a reconstructed proto-Indo-European religion. It is also evident that Tengrism's three-layered worldview is nearly identical to the tripartite world found in many kinds of shamanism, as well as the Vedic triloka ("three realms") world structure.
 

In Mongolian, one who travels the realms of the Tengers is called a Tengeri--"sky-dweller; sky-walker." I like to think that Luke Skywalker, the young warrior-shaman Jedi knight of the fictional Star Wars films, may have inherited his name from this tradition. Interestingly, the BBC reports that in censuses taken in 2001 regarding spiritual beliefs, hundreds of thousands of people selected "Jediism" as their faith of choice--such is the power of shamanism even in our modern myths and legends.
 

The earliest authenticated records of Mongolian shamanism go back to the beginnings of the Hunnu Dynasty, 209-93 CE (also known as the Xiongnu in Chinese records). Mongolian legend tells us that, during this time, a nine-year-old Hunnu boy united with a she-wolf, engendering the modern-day Mongolian people. The headdress of a shaman (circa 300–100 BCE) was found in one of the graves of Noin-Ula (Mongolian: Noyon uulyn bulsh) in northern Mongolia, and is strikingly similar to the Mongol Darkhad headdress of today. The fabric's colors, weaving methods, and embroidery are also similar to those found in fabric produced by Scythians in the Greek colonies on the Black Sea coast, leading scholars to draw links between these ancient cultures. (Scythian tribal areas were just west of Mongolian territories.)
 

According to historian and researcher Otgony Purev, shamans played an important role in diplomatic efforts and treaties with neighboring nations. The Hunnu emperors even constructed permanent shamanic shrines, and encouraged individual shamans to synthesize their diverse practices into a national religion. "Shamanist religion" then became part of the organizational basis of governmental and military activity.
 

Shamanism became the main source of education and ideology for the earliest pre-Mongol states. This continued for nearly 400 years, and ties to education remain influential in the Mongolian shamanic revival even today. With the disintegration of the Hunnu Dynasty, institutionalized shamanism returned to its more natural, individualistic and autonomous forms across a series of disparate Inner Asian kingdoms that spanned a millennium.

Mummified Shaman Discovered in Siberia

An almost perfectly preserved shaman burial site dating back to the 18th century has been discovered in remote Siberia. In only the second-ever archaeological study in the Yakutia area of Siberia, Russian researchers at the Institute for Humanitarian Research and North Indigenous Peoples Problems discovered the mummified remains of a fully-clothed man inside a sarcophagus.
 

Shamans are spiritual leaders among the Yakut, practicing as healers and diviners in their communities. Yakutia, the Yakut homeland, is hugely remote, situated in the far northeast of what is now Russia. When Russia occupied Yakutia in the 17th century, Orthodox Christianity began to influence the folk religion. However, during Soviet rule, shamans and their followers were persecuted. The religion didn't die out, though, and continued to be practiced in secret.
 

The burial lay at a depth of around 2.5 feet, and the sarcophagus was made of wide planks and covered with birch bark. The mummified body of a man was wearing a suit consisting of a caftan, a silk shirt, cuffs and legs. The shaman's legs were of particular interest, as they were covered with fabric that was embroidered with colored threads and a patchwork of leathers from hips to ankles. The shaman also wore a pair of leggings, a caftan, a belt, and was accompanied by a saddle, girth straps with iron buckles, stirrups, two bags and a funeral feast.
 

The shaman and its burial site are in remarkably good condition considering it has been buried for over 200 years. This is a truly unique find, because due to climate change, the preservation of items from archaeological excavations is getting worse every year, and the search for funerary monuments is gradually becoming more difficult due to dynamic changes in the landscape.

The Riddle of the Saxony-Anhalt Shaman

The 9000-year-old grave of a shaman in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany has so far posed many mysteries. Now a team of experts has gained new insights into this. "The shaman's grave is a key find that provides deep insights into the beginnings of spirituality and religion and shows the central role women played in prehistory," says state archaeologist Harald Meller, who coordinates the project. "Thanks to the detective work of many scientists, we can reconstruct the fate and appearance of a unique woman."
 

He presents the results in the book "The Riddle of the Shaman: A Journey to Our Archaeological Beginnings", written together with the historian Kai Michel. The grave in Bad Durrenberg (Saalekreis) was accidentally discovered in 1934 during sewer works. The woman was around 30 to 35 years old. In her arms she held an infant. A headdress made of deer antlers and numerous animal teeth is interpreted as part of a shamanic costume. 

What archaeogenetics can achieve today 

Bones were found during the 2019 excavations, which made it possible to determine the identity of the child. "Thanks to the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, we now know it was a boy," says Meller. "But he wasn't her son." The case is an impressive example of what archaeogenetics can do today. "Their founder, Svante Pääbo, rightly received the Nobel Prize for medicine," says the state archaeologist.
 

The shaman comes from a time when dense primeval forests covered Europe after the Ice Age. "The living environment, which was radically changed by the climate, presented people with enormous challenges," explains Michel. "The shaman was a spiritual specialist who used the spirits to help people and heal others." She was so successful that people made pilgrimages to her from far and wide.
 

She was buried in an octagonal tomb. "It's extraordinary. In general, it's the richest grave of its time," says the state archaeologist. "We can show that it was visited centuries later."

Rock Art of Siberian Shamanism

In the introduction of Rock Art and the Material Culture of Siberian and Central Asian Shamanism, Ekaterina Devlet writes, "In Siberia and Central Asia - the 'homelands' of shamanism - there is no ancient tradition of written language, and consequently no direct descriptive data on the lifestyle and belief systems of the prehistoric population. Valuable insights can be however gained from the comparison of rock art images with ethnographic material, which indicate that a shamanic world-view was fundamental for the complex symbolism of the Siberians." A common feature in rock art is the portrayal of the shaman's drum. Even though there are different types, shapes, and images painted on the shamanic drum, it is clearly depicted in the rock art. The range of decoration used on the drums varied from simplistic to innately elaborate. The resemblance is remarkably illustrated, "In the Altai region, images depicted on historical shamanic drums demonstrate a striking similarity with what is shown on the rock engravings" (Devlet 47). Read More